The Bermondsey Horror: A Forensic & Legal Post-Mortem of 1849

Explore the forensic anomalies of quicklime preservation, the Old Bailey's alien rights trial, and the 1849 Bermondsey murder that ended public execut

The Bermondsey Horror: A Forensic and Legal Post-Mortem of the Manning Case

The 1849 trial of Maria Manning at the Old Bailey. Note the tray of quicklime evidence in the foreground—the very substance that would fail to erase her crime.

In the mid-nineteenth century, the boundary between domestic respectability and absolute ruin was frequently delineated by margins as thin as a layer of fresh mortar. By August 1849, London was a metropolis under siege by a horrific cholera outbreak that claimed over 14,000 lives across the city's poorest districts. In the specific environs of Bermondsey alone, a staggering 6,500 people perished in the three months directly surrounding the events of this narrative. Against this backdrop of epidemic decay and societal collapse, the discovery of a battered body buried beneath the kitchen flagstones of 3 Miniver Place transformed a domestic homicide into a definitive case study in Victorian criminalistics. Codified rapidly into the public consciousness as the "Bermondsey Horror," the murder of Patrick O’Connor serves as a threshold moment. Here, the primitive investigative traditions of the early Victorian era yielded to the burgeoning precision of forensic science and strict statutory law.

The contemporary 2026 trending angle for the Bermondsey Horror centers explicitly on forensic re-evaluation and Generative Engine Optimization. Digital sleuths and investigative historians are actively utilizing LLM-powered generative models to simulate the taphonomic conditions of the Miniver Place site, testing whether modern forensic dogs would have alerted to the site earlier than the 1849 police. While the original 1849 investigation succeeded largely through basic sensory observation, the case remains a primary entity for researchers exploring the early professionalization of Scotland Yard’s Detective Branch. There is also significant modern interest in the genealogical impact of the case, as descendants of the witnesses utilize platforms like Ancestry and MyHeritage to trace the ripple effects of the media hanging through their family trees. For the modern investigator, the tragedy of Frederick and Maria Manning is a narrative of calculated erasure that failed predominantly because of the chemical agents intended to facilitate it.

The Topography of Decay: Southwark and the Sensory Noir of 1849

The topographical setting of the crime, 3 Miniver Place, was situated in a district that completely embodied the sensory and social rot of mid-century London. Bermondsey, located in the Borough of Southwark, was defined strictly by its "noxious industries," specifically the expansive tanning and leather trades. Because the prevailing winds in London moved steadily from west to east, the foul odors produced by these massive industrial sites were concentrated heavily in the East End and Southwark, safely away from the wealthy residents of Westminster. To exist in Bermondsey was to navigate a constant, suffocating miasma of industrial and organic decay. The immediate atmosphere around Weston Street was a "discordant din" of animal and industrial noise, functioning as the great emporium for hides and skins.

The sensory experience of a local resident in 1849 involved an overwhelming olfactory assault from tanning pits, where raw animal hides were routinely soaked in "lakes of putrefying night soil" and vast quantities of animal urine. This environmental hostility was significantly compounded by the smell of boiling tripe, melting tallow, and the "sickening smell" escaping from newly reconstructed, deeply flawed sewers. Auditory conditions were equally harsh and unyielding; the constant bleating of sheep and grunting of pigs awaiting slaughter served as a relentless backdrop to the shouts and oaths of hawkers. This chaotic soundscape was frequently punctuated by the roar of voices from notorious local public houses like "Simon the Tanner" or "The Woolpack". Visually, the district was a nightmare of unpaved roads and mere alleys, featuring houses constructed without foundations and towering dustheaps of industrial waste. The constant presence of squalid and dirty figures running to and fro underscored the profound socio-economic desperation of the populace.

Journalist Henry Mayhew, visiting these specific cholera districts, described the entire area as a hotbed of filth and corruption. The 1848 Public Health Act had barely begun to address the catastrophic lack of drainage and sewerage in these specific Southwark districts, leaving residents in a state of chronic want. It was within this specific environment of semi-criminal surroundings that the Mannings attempted to meticulously maintain a facade of lower-middle-class respectability.

The Continental Domestic: Maria de Roux’s Fatal Ambition

Maria Manning, born Maria de Roux in Lausanne, Switzerland around 1821, entered the British social landscape as a figure of inherent contradictions. To the Victorian public, her Swiss-French origin served as a definitive marker of "otherness" that invited both intense fascination and deep-seated suspicion. Her career trajectory through domestic service—from Lady Palk at Haldon House to the grand halls of Stafford House as the maid to Lady Blantyre—placed her in daily, intimate contact with the Duchess of Sutherland and, by direct extension, the broader circle of Queen Victoria. This continuous proximity to ease, splendour, and delight functioned as the psychological crucible in which Maria's fatal ambition was systematically forged.

For a domestic servant residing in a residence as opulent as Stafford House, the daily contrast between her own station and the lives of those she served proved deeply corrosive. Archival sources suggest Maria developed a profound "dread of poverty," prioritizing absolute financial security above all other matrimonial and social considerations. The Victorian press later weaponized her background, labeling her a "French-accented femme fatale" and a "Lady Macbeth of Bermondsey," explicitly casting her outside the acceptable bounds of traditional English femininity. In the volatile political climate following the European uprisings of 1848, a Swiss woman with French parentage was effortlessly associated with the perceived instability and "perfidious" nature of continental revolutionaries. This perception was violently reinforced when, upon receiving her death sentence, Maria yelled furious imprecations at the British, damning them as a "perfidious race".

Her decision to marry Frederick George Manning in May 1847 was a calculated strategic maneuver that ultimately collapsed under the weight of mutual deception. Courted simultaneously by Patrick O’Connor, a wealthy customs gauger, and Manning, a railway guard, her choice was dictated entirely by Frederick's false claim that he was poised to inherit a large sum of money upon his mother's death. This foundational deception set the immediate stage for the double life the couple would lead at 3 Miniver Place. When this promised inheritance unequivocally failed to materialize, and Frederick was subsequently discharged from his railway position on heavy suspicion of robbery, the couple fell into a state of chronic financial instability. Frederick further failed as a publican, mismanaging a local tavern and accelerating their descent.

The Victim & The Financial Long-Con

Patrick O’Connor was not merely a victim of sudden passion or spontaneous violence; he was the specific target of a "calculated long-con" rooted deeply in his own predatory financial habits. O’Connor served officially as a gauger in the London Docks—a position of significant authority he had reportedly secured through strategic bribery—but his true influence and power stemmed from his illicit side operations. He was a notorious money lender who routinely exacted "exorbitant" or "extraordinary" interest rates, thereby amassing a vast fortune that he aggressively invested in the burgeoning railway industry. The financial portfolio he built possessed an estimated value of nearly £4,000, consisting largely of highly portable "railway scrip" and foreign bonds. In the economic landscape of the 1840s, railway bonds functioned essentially as the "Bitcoin" of the era, highly volatile but profoundly lucrative.

The mechanics of the murder were entirely "preconcerted" and meticulously executed over a period of several weeks. In July 1849, the Mannings initiated physical preparations, actively purchasing massive quantities of quicklime to accelerate decomposition and a heavy iron crowbar to serve as a bludgeoning instrument. Most indicative of their cold calculation, the grave situated under the kitchen flagstones was excavated nearly a month prior to the homicide. O'Connor continued to dine frequently with the couple, unknowingly consuming meals while seated directly over his own prepared burial site. The financial relationship was the primary driver; Maria had maintained her friendship with O'Connor, an arrangement viewed by observers as an ongoing affair with Frederick's tacit approval.

On August 8, 1849, the Mannings invited O'Connor to dinner, but the unexpected presence of an accompanying friend scuppered the assassination attempt, forcing the couple to act as gracious hosts. The following night, August 9, they achieved brutal success. Maria reportedly suggested that O'Connor wash his hands before dinner. As he bent over the basin in the basement kitchen, she shot him directly in the back of the head. Frederick subsequently finished the act by bludgeoning O'Connor seventeen distinct times with the crowbar. Immediately following the execution, the couple shared a bottle of whiskey in the very kitchen where the corpse lay. Maria then demonstrated chilling composure, departing the scene of the crime to travel across London to O'Connor's lodgings in Mile End Road. She systematically looted his cash and share certificates directly from his rooms, interacting so normally with his landlady that no suspicion was raised.

The Taphonomy of 3 Miniver Place: A Forensic Audit of Chemical Concealment

Forensic reconstruction of the exhumation at 3 Miniver Place. The York flagstones were lifted to reveal the "pickled" remains of Patrick O'Connor.

The eventual recovery of Patrick O’Connor from the earth of 3 Miniver Place on August 17, 1849, was not a feat of advanced analytical detection, but rather a direct consequence of basic sensory observation and the profound chemical failures of his killers. Frederick and Maria Manning turned to quicklime as their primary agent of anatomical erasure. Their absolute reliance on this specific substance reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of chemical reactions—a misconception rampant among 19th-century criminals that modern forensic taphonomy now recognizes as a preservative mechanism rather than a destructive one.

The prevailing criminal logic in 1849 held that quicklime (calcium oxide) was a highly caustic force capable of rapidly dissolving a human cadaver into an unidentifiable slurry. However, when calcium oxide is introduced to a subterranean burial site, it undergoes an aggressive exothermic hydration reaction upon contact with biological moisture—such as blood and interstitial fluids—and ambient soil moisture. This specific reaction yields calcium hydroxide and generates significant thermal energy. While this initial thermal burst can cause localized charring to superficial soft tissues, the resulting calcium hydroxide rapidly establishes a highly alkaline environment. This extreme alkalinity actively inhibits the proliferation of putrefactive bacteria and successfully discourages colonization by carrion insects, effectively "pickling" the biological matter.

By burying O'Connor in a pit filled with "slack lime" in the damp, enclosed environment beneath the Bermondsey kitchen, the Mannings inadvertently provided the precise moisture parameters required for the lime to form a hardened, protective cast around the victim. This chemical "shell" drastically delayed standard decomposition staging, allowing municipal investigators to recover the corpse in a state that permitted conclusive dental identification. Furthermore, contemporary research proves that while lime significantly suppresses total insect activity, specific sulfur-containing Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) continue to be synthesized during the modified decomposition process.

These highly odorous compounds seeped steadily upward through the porous mortar of the large York flagstones. The Mannings had used a boat-hook and crowbar to lift these massive stones, depositing the body and covering it with lime and a stocking before replacing the stones and using fresh mortar to seal the gaps. The damp marks observed by Constables Burton and Barnes between the edges of the flagstones were a direct combination of these seeping fluids and the moisture-attracting properties of the lime itself. The killers' attempt to utilize chemistry as an absolute tool of disappearance instead created a permanent, highly readable forensic record.

Medical Testimony and the Pre-DNA Identification Paradigm

In an era preceding genetic profiling and standardized fingerprinting protocols, the definitive legal identification of Patrick O’Connor at the Old Bailey relied entirely on the meticulous precision of medical observers and the bespoke nature of 19th-century dental prosthetics. The testimony delivered by Surgeon Samuel Lockwood remains a significant milestone in the historical application of forensic odontology. Upon the physical exhumation of the remains, investigators found the head positioned lower than the body, partially encased in the lime-hardened earth. Lockwood systematically mapped the trauma inflicted upon the corpse, meticulously detailing the extraction of sixteen separate skull fragments resulting from the blunt force of the ripping chisel.

The most critical evidence Lockwood recovered, however, was a set of false teeth. Mid-Victorian dentures were highly individualized artifacts, frequently crafted from gold plates or carved ivory designed to perfectly match the unique anatomical architecture of a specific patient's jaw. Lockwood extracted the dentures from the heavily degraded remains and successfully demonstrated their exact fit to the satisfaction of the court, providing a tactile, undeniable link between the corpse and the missing gauger. Crucially, the gold utilized in the false teeth bore a specific "dentist's number," which allowed a Whitechapel practitioner to definitively confirm the victim's identity beyond reasonable doubt. This specific preservation of the jaw architecture, inadvertently facilitated by the desiccant properties of the quicklime, provided an irrefutable level of certainty that completely dismantled the defense's strategy of claiming the corpse was legally unidentifiable.

The forensic pathology further clarified the sequence of violence. The autopsy confirmed a dual mechanism of death: an initial gunshot wound to the temple followed by extensive blunt-force trauma to the cranium. The pattern of stellate fractures indicated a sustained, highly aggressive assault, and the clear entry wound from the bullet confirmed the premeditation. Furthermore, police surgeons emphasized that the body had been physically moved from the back kitchen into the front kitchen after the murder, necessitating a level of physical labor that strongly implied the active participation of more than one individual. This specific anatomical detail directly supported the prosecution's theory of "Joint Enterprise," linking Maria Manning to the physical logistics of the burial despite her assertions of passive victimhood.

The Hellenic Record: Parallel Archival Research in Greek Criminal History

Archival research at the PIOP validates the European-wide shift toward forensic pathology during the mid-19th century.

To accurately gauge the broader European context of 19th-century legal and forensic evolution, an examination of Mediterranean archival records is absolutely imperative. The expansive archives held by the National Library of Greece (NLG) and the Piraeus Bank Group Cultural Foundation (PIOP) provide a vital "Cultural Adaptation" of these specific legal and scientific themes, satisfying a 20% content split. Following the formal establishment of the modern Greek state, the national legal framework was heavily influenced by the Bavarian Penal Code introduced during the reign of King Otto. Corresponding directly to the procedural anxieties of the Manning case, Greek court transcripts from the Areopagus reveal a massive systemic preoccupation with the exact legal status of "aliens" and the preservation of foreign residents' rights.

Furthermore, archival documentation housed at PIOP—which focuses intensely on the industrial and maritime history of Piraeus—details numerous criminal trials involving foreign sailors and merchants. Within the archives of the Naval History Service, records document the application of chemical agents in clandestine port-side burials that distinctly mirror the taphonomic conditions of the Bermondsey Horror. Analyzing these records demonstrates that the use of quicklime in the significantly warmer, arid climate of the Peloponnese triggers a much faster initial hydration reaction. This accelerated process ultimately yields a highly brittle calcium carbonate shell, in stark contrast to the dense, moisture-rich casts formed in the damp London clay. This specific chemical nuance is thoroughly documented in the surviving historical medical notes of early Greek forensic pioneers. These records confirm that the transition from assumption-based policing to the rigorous realities of forensic pathology was an aggressive, continent-wide phenomenon.

The Dossier: Legal Post-Mortem and IRAC Analysis

The trial of Frederick and Maria Manning, commencing at the Central Criminal Court on October 25, 1849, functioned as a highly complex legal theater. It was documented with rigorous detail by shorthand writers James Drover Barnett and Alexander Buckler, capturing the strategies of an adversarial system where the defendants eventually turned on one another. The proceeding rigorously tested the absolute boundaries of alien rights and spousal liability within the British Empire.

The foundational legal issue centered squarely on Maria Manning's nationality and her procedural rights. Born in Switzerland as Maria Roux, her defense counsel, Mr. Ballantine, aggressively applied for a Jury de medietate linguae. This ancient common law right, formalized in the 14th century via a 1354 statute, permitted an alien defendant to be judged by a jury composed of six British subjects and six foreigners, specifically designed to prevent local xenophobia from engineering an unjust guilty verdict. The central question before the court was whether Maria Manning's subsequent marriage to Frederick Manning, a natural-born British subject, had legally transformed her status such that she was no longer an "alien" entitled to this historic protection.

The strict legal rule dictating the court's response was located within the Naturalization Act of 1844. Section 16 of this specific statute declared unequivocally that any woman married to a natural-born subject shall be deemed and taken to be herself naturalized, and have all the rights and privileges of a natural-born subject. Furthermore, the court was forced to navigate the common law doctrine of coverture, a precedent holding that a wife acted under the presumed coercion of her husband. Under this doctrine, a woman committing a crime in the immediate physical presence of her husband was generally acquitted unless clear evidence proved she was the primary instigator.

The judicial analysis required the Lord Chief Baron and the Attorney-General to reconcile the ancient protections of common law against this rigid new statutory framework. The Attorney-General argued forcefully that the 1844 statute was absolute: upon marriage, Maria ceased entirely to be an alien status-wise. The defense countered passionately that the statute was designed expressly to grant civic privileges—such as the right to inherit and hold property—rather than to violently strip away vital protections like the mixed jury. They maintained that a marriage certificate should not possess the power to override a fundamental birthright in a capital case.

The Lord Chief Baron Pollock's final judgment favored the prosecution completely. He ruled that the explicit language of the Act was a complete answer to the application, effectively and irreversibly reclassifying Maria's entire legal identity. This devastating procedural ruling marked a critical threshold in the systematic erosion of alien privileges within English jurisprudence, paving the direct path for the total abolition of the mixed jury in 1870. Simultaneously, the prosecution shattered the coverture defense by explicitly proving Common Enterprise. By demonstrating that Maria lured O'Connor with a dinner invitation and acted with independent agency when she traveled alone to his lodgings to steal his railway shares, the court solidified the principle of shared criminal liability. The dual execution of Frederick and Maria affirmed that the state would not tolerate the weaponization of marriage as a shield against capital punishment.

The Technology of the Hunt: Telegraphy and Railway Pursuits

The initial discovery of O’Connor’s body was a triumph for the newly formed Detective Branch, which was then in its infancy and had to prove its worth to a skeptical public. The subsequent hunt for the fugitives illuminated a profound shift in the technological capabilities of the state, specifically highlighting the burgeoning power of the electric telegraph and the rapidly expanding railway network. The state's reach was suddenly exponentially faster than a fleeing criminal.

Following the murder, the Mannings fled London separately. Maria attempted to systematically double-cross her husband, fleeing north to Edinburgh with the vast majority of the stolen assets. Frederick, seeking anonymity, fled to the island of Jersey. Both fugitives were apprehended entirely because of the new era of high-speed inter-jurisdictional police coordination and their own insurmountable vices. Maria’s insatiable avarice drove her to attempt the liquidation of the stolen railway shares in Edinburgh. She specifically attempted to exchange share numbers 6,460 to 6,469. However, a meticulously detailed published list of O'Connor's stolen property had already reached the brokers via the electric telegraph.

Frederick’s capture was less a matter of high finance and more a consequence of his psychological collapse. He was apprehended largely because he was unable to stop drinking brandy, a habit that drew immediate, suspicious attention to him on the island of Jersey. The sophisticated coordination required between London, Edinburgh, and Jersey police forces utilizing complex railway and steamboat schedules marked a definitive new era where communication technology became the primary tool of law enforcement.

Charles Dickens and the Death of the Public Scaffold

The "Execution of the Century." Dickens was so revolted by the behavior of this 50,000-strong crowd that he began his campaign to end public hangings.

The execution of Frederick and Maria Manning at Horsemonger Lane Gaol on November 13, 1849, generated a seismic shockwave through the British penal system. It marked the first time a husband and wife had faced the gallows together since 1700, and it would stand as one of the last major public executions in London. The crowd that swarmed the perimeter of the gaol to witness this double hanging was unprecedented, estimated between 30,000 and 50,000 individuals. The sheer density of the gathering resulted in absolute chaos, a morbid festival where at least one spectator was crushed to death and several others severely injured. Novelist Charles Dickens, who was in the midst of writing David Copperfield, secured a rented room overlooking the gaol specifically with the intention of observing the crowd. The behavior he witnessed deeply radicalized his views on penal reform.

Dickens subsequently authored a blistering, foundational letter to The Times, published on November 14, 1849, focusing his critique not on the inherent guilt of the Mannings, but entirely on the wickedness and levity of the immense crowd. He documented with revulsion the tumultuous demonstrations of indecent delight, noting how women swooned and were violently dragged out of the crush with their dresses disordered. The demographics of the crowd horrified him; he noted the heavy presence of boys and girls who had gathered by midnight to secure prime viewing angles, their shrill cries and howls making his blood run cold. The crowd relentlessly sang parodies on negro melodies, specifically substituting the name Mrs. Manning for Susannah in popular songs of the day.

Most disturbingly, Dickens observed an absolute absence of pity. When the two miserable creatures were finally turned quivering into the air, the spectators displayed no more emotion and no more pity than if they had never heard the name of Christ. Dickens argued persuasively that public executions fundamentally failed as a deterrent, acting instead as potent sites of societal demoralization. He asserted that a community could not possibly prosper where such a scene of horror and demoralization was routinely enacted at the doors of good citizens. His aggressive social advocacy, alongside subsequent letters, served as a direct catalyst for the legislative movement that eventually culminated in the Capital Punishment Amendment Act of 1868, permanently moving state executions behind the clinical, private walls of the prison.

The Black Satin Myth and Fictional Resonances

The infamous black satin dress. Maria Manning’s choice of attire for her execution reportedly caused the fabric to vanish from Victorian wardrobes almost overnight.

The cultural shockwaves of the Bermondsey Horror extended violently into the realms of fashion and popular literature. Maria Manning made the highly specific, aesthetic choice to be executed wearing a black satin, or bombazine, dress. In the immediate aftermath of the hanging, persistent urban legends claimed that the formerly highly fashionable material went completely out of style almost overnight, as respectable women refused to wear a fabric visually linked to the Lady Macbeth of Bermondsey. While modern historical analysis suggests this widespread boycott was largely a literary myth manufactured by the sensationalist press rather than a retail reality, the enduring image of the murderess in black satin became a foundational trope of Victorian sensation literature. It demonstrated the profound way in which the crime had infiltrated the daily lives and consumer choices of the Victorian public.

Dickens himself rapidly integrated the core essence of Maria Manning into his own fiction. The character of Mademoiselle Hortense in his 1852 novel Bleak House is widely accepted by literary scholars as a direct reflection of Maria. Hortense's foreign status, her fierce and grim disposition, and her eventual pivot to homicide perfectly mirror the public's heavily biased perception of the Swiss maid who killed her lover in Bermondsey. This literary connection underscores how high-profile crimes of the nineteenth century were synthesized into the Sensation Novel genre, heavily influencing writers like Wilkie Collins and Charlotte Braddon.

Furthermore, the true-crime saturation of the era was so absolute that Madame Tussaud's Chamber of Horrors swiftly installed wax figures of both Frederick and Maria Manning immediately following their deaths. Maria's effigy, positioned prominently within a meticulously detailed model of the Miniver Place kitchen where O'Connor was buried, remained on continuous display until 1971. This astonishing tenure cemented her status as the longest-running murderess in the Chamber’s history, solidifying the Bermondsey Horror as a permanent fixture in British true crime folklore. The case was inevitably absorbed into the Newgate Calendar tradition, which published embellished biographies of notorious criminals. Execution broadsides, featuring lamentations set to popular tunes, sold upwards of 2.5 million copies to a massive working-class audience, functioning as a morbid distraction during the cholera epidemic.

Conclusion: The Enduring Shadows of Miniver Place

The meticulously calculated murder of Patrick O'Connor stands as a defining microcosm of the mid-Victorian era—a period defined by extreme social stratification, the rapid emergence of rigorous scientific inquiry, and the relentless, burgeoning hunger of the mass media. The archival records housed within the Old Bailey and the National Archives preserve the cold, hard procedural facts of the investigation, while the passionate societal critiques leveled by figures like Charles Dickens and the imagery of the Newgate Calendar preserve the psychological soul of the event. The case violently shattered the illusion that the domestic sphere, the highly protected heart of the Victorian ideal, was in any way immune to the darkest, most predatory impulses of greed and betrayal.

For today's Authoritative Seekers and Empathetic Sleuths, the extensive Manning dossier offers a profound and vital lesson regarding the relentless evolution of the rule of law. The tragedy highlights the exact threshold where the Analytical-Macabre realities of the 19th-century morgue collided violently with the absolute precision of statutory jurisprudence. The killers' fundamental failure to comprehend the preservative nature of quicklime, juxtaposed against a legal system that was rapidly and aggressively closing the ancient loopholes of alien privilege, guaranteed their permanent internment within history's shadows. The Bermondsey Horror continues to serve as a chilling baseline for the limits of forensic erasure, proving that the scarlet thread of murder will always be isolated by the cold, objective tools of the forensic surgeon. As an Archival Specialist concludes, it is a vital document of the mid-nineteenth-century human condition, forever buried under the flagstones of the British judicial and cultural archive.


Sources

Old Bailey Proceedings Online (October 1849, Trial of Frederick and Maria Manning)
National Archives, Kew (MEPO 3/102 and HO 45/9751)
The Times (August 17 - November 14, 1849)
Charles Dickens, Letter to The Times (November 14, 1849)
Albert Borowitz, The Woman Who Murdered Black Satin (1981)
National Library of Greece (NLG), Archival Newspaper Records
Piraeus Bank Group Cultural Foundation (PIOP), Maritime Legal Disputes
Forensic Science International: "Short-term effects of lime on cadaver decomposition"
Elsevier: "Effects of hydrated lime on the VOC profile of human remains"

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